COURTESY OF UNIVERSAL ATTRACTIONS , INC Sam Lowry’s mother gets
ready for a facelift in Brazil.
Terry Gilliam's 1985 black comedy Brazil is set at "8:49 p.m.,
somewhere in the 20th century." Brazil is full of the trappings
of a culture that never exactly existed but is still familiar, a ravaged,
blackened environment, packed with clunky typewriter/computer consoles,
strange cars, and the neon-lit streets of a futuristic film noir. This
is a decidedly British dystopia, its citizens the unassuming, go along
to get along sorts Americans frequently think Brits to be. (Gilliam,
though American himself, was a member of British comedy troupe Monty
Python.)
Brazil opens with a televised conversation between a spokesman of
the "Ministry of Information" and a journalist who pitches
softball questions and receives answers which are either irrelevant
or just plain ignorant. The world of Brazil is beset by horrific acts
of terrorism, and the Ministry of Information spokesman understands
why: "bad sportsmanship." The spokesman further claims that
progress has been made against the terrorists, and delivers a stunner
when it's pointed out that attacks have been going on for 13 years:
"beginner's luck."
Of course, no one seems to notice this total disconnect or mind the
ineptitude.
All that terrorism calls for intrusive security, but the security
machines all seem like cobbled-together junk, and their cheap construction
and amusing noises don't appear to hinder any acts of terrorism. When
the bombings inevitably occur, the general rule is to ignore the blood,
fire and bodies. In a restaurant scene, bombing victims stagger helplessly
in the background until a screen is put in place so that the other diners
can eat in peace. The shocked victims haunt the dreams of Sam Lowry
(Jonathan Pryce), a lower-level bureaucrat who wants a better life.
Undergirding Brazil 's ineffectual war on terrorism is a system that
keeps its citizens docile through a combination of Kafka-esque bureaucratic
bumbling and a police presence of inhuman efficiency. When citizens
act up (or become the victims of hapless bureaucracy), they are removed
to detention, where they are systematically tortured. They are, inevitably,
never heard from again.
Ron Suskind reported in the New York Times Magazine that in 2002,
after he published an article unfriendly to former Bush communications
director Karen Hughes in Esquire, he was summoned to a meeting with
a senior Bush advisor, who told Suskind he was "in what we call
the reality-based community," people "who believe that solutions
emerge from your judicious study of discernible reality. That's not
the way the world really works anymore. We're an empire now, and when
we act, we create our own reality. And while you're studying that reality
-- judiciously, as you will -- we'll act again, creating other new realities,
which you can study too, and that's how things will sort out. We're
history's actors ... and you, all of you, will be left to just study
what we do."
Those who, like the Brits of Brazil , have grown incapable of seeing
and believing the reality of their president's easily verifiable dishonesty
and small-mindedness, those who refuse to see that military action creates
more terrorism, that unprecedented national debt is bad, that killing
Iraqis harms our security more than gay marriage, have spoken. They
are apparently a narrow majority. And so, "reality-based"
voters might be tempted to say, they deserve to watch as their personal
economic struggles get worse, as their kids enter combat to satisfy
a willfully ignorant man's desires.
But there is an unavoidable difficulty with what these voters who
are not reality-based have wrought. Terrorists inhabit reality. And
though homegrown terrorism has struck elsewhere, members of the reality-based
community primarily reside in the population centers that are, apparently,
tempting targets to Islamic fundamentalists. Reality-based citizens
are more often the ones who travel abroad, who deliberately seek out
cultural exchange and consider themselves global citizens. The reality-based
are the ones more often in foreign places and therefore in the cross-hairs.
The voters who have accepted the fantasy of George W. Bush's simplified
world endanger everyone. Perhaps blue voters can be forgiven for being
angry about the red votes facilitating forced entry into a world so
horribly and precisely like Gilliam's Brazil .
At some points, it's tempting to think Gilliam managed a look
20 years into the future when he made Brazil , though that uncanny effect
more likely proves that the methods and results of power abuse are variations
on an eternal theme. Now that much of America is content in
the notion that our government is always out for the greater good despite
overwhelming evidence of deceit and abuse at the highest levels, Brazil
deserves a second look. Its relevance has only grown, and it's got the
advantage of not being as overused as Orwell.
It also reveals a frightening change in the perception of
what it means to be American.
Into Brazil 's world of hapless Brits, overcome by paperwork and constant
fear, blasts an American on a zip line, Harry Tuttle. Robert de Niro
is an American in the way we've always preferred to see ourselves, a
no-nonsense, fearless hero who, rather than endlessly talking and planning,
simply and effectively does what he sets out to do. Sam Lowry's air
conditioner has gone out in the midst of a terrible heat wave, and the
recording at the government's Central Services ("this has not been
a recording," it says) is no help. Tuttle is a freelance repairman,
complete with balaclava and pistol, who refuses to put up with all the
paperwork and hassle. He gets things done, and refuses to sit idly waiting.
Tuttle is the kind of American hero who hopped the ocean to help the
French and the British push the Boche back from the trenches of the
Western Front, who saddled up once more when the Boche went Nazi. The
hand-wringing Europeans, the story always goes, got their world set
aright for them, and we Americans retreated back to our split-level
ranches and good, clean happiness, safe in the notion of ourselves as
hardy, heroic frontiersmen.
Brazil 's protagonist also falls hard for the woman who inhabits his
dreams (Jill Layton, played by Kim Greist), a fragile, astonishing beauty,
who, when he meets her in reality, turns out to be a truck-driving,
self-sufficient and not at all fragile woman. When he lets slip a little
of his dreamlife, she kicks him right out of her moving truck with both
her combat-booted feet. He is no less smitten when he realizes that
she is dangerous, although he is deathly afraid that she might, with
all that danger, turn out to be one of the terrorists who are blowing
up innocent dinner patrons and shoppers. She too is, of course, American.
The deciding of this election in favor of George W. Bush demolishes
the stereotypes that Gilliam played with. Red America, faced with the
arrival of a reality-based Harry Tuttle promising to win the day with
old-fashioned American fearlessness, has slammed the door in his face.
The majority of America has become the docile crowd. Frightened
Bush fantasists don't give a damn about what those in the reality-based
community think or believe, even when the reality-based are merely reporting
reality instead of fantasy; most still believe Saddam was behind Sept.
11. But now their actions directly increase the danger of retaliation
upon those who inhabit reality.
It's not safe to expect anyone outside the reality-based community
to respond to reality. If the fantasists bother to read these words,
they will likely find a label with which to safely dismiss them -- "northeastern
liberal elitism" should serve (though I like my grits with cheese
and come from a family including truck drivers, nurses, secretaries
and cafeteria workers).
The reality-based habit of carefully honing arguments and backing
them up with facts might be just as effective if the results were published
in Finnish.
If the fantasists somehow trade docility for awareness, there may
be hope. Holding one's breath is not recommended. If things remain as
they are, it seems likely that another horrific attack will eventually
happen. How can it not, when Bush's military aggression is every day
furthering the policies that exacerbate terrorism? And if terrorists
strike again, the fantasists will call for sinking further into Brazil,
for more aggression, fewer civil rights, and unquestioning devotion
to George W. Bush. The grim cycle will continue.
The reality-based could take the "if you can't beat 'em, join
'em" approach and move to the vastness of red America, embrace
Wal-Mart, fundamentalism and Fox News. It seems unlikely. There is always
emigration, but there is something deep in most Americans which fights
against it. The reality-based are Americans too, after all, just as
in love with the fading promise of this country and its former devotion
to eyes-wide-open democracy.
How does one inject reason and reality into a fantasy-inspired
cycle of violence which always results in an iron Republican grip on
power? If they resist Bush's fantasy, will the organizations of the
left be gradually and deliberately transformed by the label "extremist"
slowly morphing to mean "terrorist?"
Brazil's Lowry, after bucking the bureaucracy and emulating the can-do
attitude of Harry Tuttle, finds himself detained, at the mercy of his
fearful fellow citizens. He is left no out but a blissful insanity,
his own fantasy in which Harry Tuttle's warriors rappel to his rescue.
This is a bleak moment in our history, a moment when our nation will
inherit or refuse our birthright. It's too bad that half of this country
hears only the fiddle, and does not see the flames licking at the foundations
of the Forum. But once it's gone to ash, at least, they can say, gay
people couldn't get married.
We are living in Brazil. The future as foretold by Terry Gilliam’s
1985 rich and multi-layered film masterpiece Brazil is upon us. First
released fifteen years ago, Terry Gilliam’s Brazil was astonishingly
accurate in forecasting political trends. In a previous essay,
I examined the film as a critique of socialist central planning. In
this piece, I will discuss how Brazil portends Bush’s War on Terror.
The world of Brazil shows a totalitarian society in which
freedom has been forfeited for a false promise of protection from terrorist
attacks. Gilliam shows how the threat of terrorism is manipulated by
the state as a means of political control over the population. The threat
of terror is created by the internal security police in order to generate
public acceptance of totalitarian police powers.
Gilliam’s exposition raises some important questions: Is the
terror created by the power of the state in the alleged pursuit of terrorism
worse than the terrorism itself? And are they really any different?
The ministers of state in Brazil have succeeded in creating
a society organized around a continuous response to the threat of terrorism.
Random bombings occur regularly. The protagonist Sam and his
mother must go through a security check in order to enter a restaurant.
And then during their meal a large explosion blows out the back of the
dining room; they continue eating while bodies are dragged away.
As in modern America, there is some doubt about whether Brazil’s
"War on Terrorism" is really working. At the opening of the
film Minister Helpmann, the Deputy Minister of information (the internal
security agency), appears on TV immediately after a bombing takes place:
INTERVIEWER: Do you think that the government is winning the battle
against terrorists?
HELPMANN: Oh yes. Our morale is much higher than theirs, we're fielding
all their strokes, running a lot of them out, and pretty consistently
knocking them for six. I'd say they're nearly out of the game.
INTERVIEWER: But the bombing campaign is now in its thirteenth year.
HELPMANN: Beginner's luck.
Now in the US, we are told by the Bush administration that the war
on terrorism will become a more or less permanent state of affairs.
U.S. war may last decades
Military pushed to think broadly
By KAREN MASTERSON
WASHINGTON – The U.S. war on terrorism may rage for decades
and has forced Pentagon strategists to think more broadly than they've
had to since World War II, a top military official said Sunday.
"The fact that it could last several years, or many years, or
maybe our lifetimes would not surprise me," Gen. Richard B. Myers,
chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said Sunday on ABC's This Week.
The film has been reissued on DVD with commentary by the director
in which he states that it was his intention to convey that there were
so many government plants, double agents, agents provocateurs, moles,
infiltrators, etc. that at some point even the government did not know
for sure whether there were any real terrorists or whether all of the
terror was fabricated by the police as part of their anti-terror campaign.
In a conversation between Sam and Ministry of Information office Jack
Lint, Lint reveals how he – as a key member of the internal security
department – understands the events that are taking place:
SAM: You don't really think Tuttle and the girl are in league?
JACK: I do. Goodbye.
SAM: It could all be coincidental.
JACK: There are no coincidences, Sam. Everything's connected, all
along the line. Cause and effect. That's the beauty of it. Our job
is to trace the connections and reveal them. This whole Buttle/Tuttle
confusion was obviously planned from the inside.
As the audience of the film, we know that the Tuttle/Buttle confusion
was caused by a computer error within the department, and that "the
girl" (Jill Layton) became involved as a concerned citizen trying
to investigate a wrongful arrest. The irony here is that a random chain
of events kicked off by the Ministry’s own error is seen from
inside ministry as further evidence of a terrorist conspiracy.
Revisionist historians have suggested that many wars and other events
are staged or at least allowed to happen and then used by the government
to manipulate public opinion in the direction that they want it to go.
Michael Ruppert has provided voluminous research suggesting that the
US intelligence agencies had foreknowledge of the 9/11 attacks and chose
to allow them to occur, much the way that Roosevelt knew about Pearl
Harbor and did not prevent it. And there is the tradition of US enemies
having once been funded by US intelligence agencies.
Bin Laden comes home to roost
His CIA ties are only the beginning of a woeful story
By Michael Moran
MSNBC
NEW YORK, Aug. 24, 1998 – At the CIA, it happens often enough
to have a code name: Blowback. Simply defined, this is the term that
describes an agent, an operative or an operation that has turned on
its creators. Osama bin Laden, our new public enemy Number 1, is the
personification of blowback. And the fact that he is viewed as a hero
by millions in the Islamic world proves again the old adage: Reap
what you sow.
[…]
What the CIA bio conveniently fails to specify (in its unclassified
form, at least) is that the MAK was nurtured by Pakistan’s state
security services, the Inter-Services Intelligence agency, or ISI,
the CIA’s primary conduit for conducting the covert war against
Moscow’s occupation.
[…]
Yet the CIA, concerned about the factionalism of Afghanistan made
famous by Rudyard Kipling, found that Arab zealots who flocked to
aid the Afghans were easier to "read" than the rivalry-ridden
natives. While the Arab volunteers might well prove troublesome later,
the agency reasoned, they at least were one-dimensionally anti-Soviet
for now. So bin Laden, along with a small group of Islamic militants
from Egypt, Pakistan, Lebanon, Syria and Palestinian refugee camps
all over the Middle East, became the "reliable" partners
of the CIA in its war against Moscow.
Brazil shows a world of meek and helpless people, devoid of any artistic
or aesthetic pleasure. There are two heroes in the film: Tuttle, the
renegade heating repair engineer, and Jill Layton, a woman who takes
it upon herself to fight the wrongful arrest of her neighbor’s
husband. The protagonist, Sam, is a happy cog in the great machine,
content to waste away his life shuffling papers within a vast bureaucracy.
Social life is dominated by suspicion and fear. And who is behind
this?
INTERVIEWER: Deputy minister, what do you believe is behind this
recent increase in terrorist bombings?
HELPMANN: Bad sportsmanship. A ruthless minority of people seems to
have forgotten certain good old fashioned virtues. They just can't
stand seeing the other fellow win. If these people would just play
the game, they’d get a lot more out of life.
Compare this to President Bush's Address on Terrorism to Congress:
Americans are asking, ''Why do they hate us?''
They hate what they see right here in this chamber, a democratically
elected government. Their leaders are self-appointed. They hate our
freedoms, our freedom of religion, our freedom of speech, our freedom
to vote and assemble and disagree with each other.
The utter irony of this is that Bush and Helpmann depict terrorism
as primarily a sort of arrested emotional development by those who did
not learn in grade school to be good losers. The little boy who took
his ball and went home became a terrorist when he grew up. This rhetorical
tactic forestalls any inquiry into the religious or political movements
that the terrorists might be seeking to advance or whether they have
any real case against the American foreign policy. An irony here is
that the moral virtue claimed by both Bush and Helpmann is undermined
by their own terror game.
The use of propaganda is another tactic used by totalitarian regimes
to generate support for their program. In Brazil as in Orwell’s
1984, this takes the form of euphemisms.
KURTZMAN: I've tried that! Population Census have got him down as
dormanted, the Central Collective Storehouse computer has got him
down as deleted, and the Information Retrieval have got him down as
inoperative, Security has him down as excised, Admin have him down
as completed.
SAM: Hang on…he’s dead.
KURTZMANN: Dead?
Besides being used to hide unpleasant meanings, euphemisms are also
used to portray falsehood as truth. The sinister internal security division
is darkly named the Ministry of Information Retrieval. They "retrieve"
information from citizens by torture. In a visual motif reminiscent
of Soviet era propaganda, posters with banal slogans appear on buildings
and in offices. In case you can’t read them all as they go by
during the film, I have copied them from the excellent Brazil FAQ:
• "Be Safe: Be Suspicious"
• "Suspicion Breeds Confidence"
• "Trust in haste, Regret at leisure"
• "Don't suspect a friend, report him"
• "Who can you trust?"
This is not so different from modern America. In case some American
suspects a friend of theirs, Bush will make it possible for you to report
him:
Operation TIPS Trips Up?
August 8, 2002
(CBS) In the aftermath of Sept. 11, President Bush laid groundwork
for "Operation TIPS," a program which would organize a volunteer
army of citizen lookouts to report "suspicious" activities
to the federal government.
Under "Operation TIPS," transportation workers, utility
crews and letter carriers could sign up to snoop on members of their
communities. Attorney General Ashcroft argued such vigilance could
thwart terrorists, CBS News Correspondent Bob Orr reports.
"You have the ability of people who have a regular perception,
who understand what's out of order here, what's different here, and
maybe something needs to be looked into," Ashcroft said.
The plot of Brazil is driven by a series of accounting errors that
are initiated when the Ministry of Information arrests and tortures
the wrong man. The arrest scene is a terrifying exhibition of police
state tactics: several black-garbed troopers simultaneously burst through
the walls and doors of the Buttle’s apartment. They are followed
a paper-pushing official who reads the banal statement of arrest to
Mr. Buttle as he is about to be dragged off in a canvas sack and tortured
to death:
OFFICIAL: I hereby inform you under powers entrusted to me under
Section 47, Paragraph 7 of Council Order Number 438476, that Mr Buttle,
Archibald, residing at 412 North Tower, Shangri La Towers, has been
invited to assist the Ministry of Information with certain enquiries…
The accounting problems stem from the wrongful arrest of Mr. Buttle
because they charge torture victims for the cost of their own torture.
These charges are necessary for efficiency, according to the Deputy
Minister.1
INTERVIEWER: And the cost of it [i.e. the Ministry’s campaign]
all, Deputy Minister? Seven percent of the gross national product…
HELPMANN: I understand this concern on behalf of the taxpayers. People
want value for money. And that’s why we always insist on the
principle of Information Retrieval Charges. It's absolutely right
and fair that those found guilty should pay for their periods of detention
and the Information Retrieval Procedures used in their interrogation.
Later, when the Sam is arrested for a long list of crimes and brought
back to Information Retrieval for processing, the Ministry even offers
him a consumer financing plan to that they provide to help torture victims
bear the cost:
OFFICIAL C: Now, either you plead guilty to say, seven or eight
of these charges, which'll bring the costs down to within your reach,
or you can borrow a sum to be negotiated, from us, at very competitive
rates.
OFFICIAL D: We can offer you something at say, eleven and a half per
cent, over thirty years. But you will have to buy insurance to qualify
for his scheme.
This type of plan brings to mind Paul Craig Roberts’ critique
of current US judicial proceedings in which people are charged with
a long list of related offences for a single crime then encouraged to
plea bargain by pleading guilty to only one of them. Also, compare Sam’s
travails to a trial balloon that was floated by the Bush administration:
Officials consider tapping Iraqi oil to pay war costs
Some in Bush administration consider oil funds to be 'spoils of war'
WASHINGTON – Bush administration officials are seriously considering
proposals that the United States tap Iraq's oil to help pay the cost
of a military occupation, a move that likely would prove highly inflammatory
in an Arab world already suspicious of U.S. motives.
In another amazing parallel, the interior spaces of the rooms in Brazil
are overrun with ugly meandering heating ducts. And as US citizens we
are told to stock up on duct tape.
How could a film produced fifteen years ago have foreseen these developments
in such remarkable detail? Perhaps because they are not new: they are
recurring patterns in the way that states use and manufacture the threat
of warfare in order to control their own citizens. State power tends
to grow during wars because citizens become more willing to trade liberty
for the security that states are willing to promise them. But when a
war ends, the pendulum swings back at least partially. So why not manufacture
a permanent state of war during which freedoms can be indefinitely suspended?
Gilliam was writing history as well as foretelling the future. By creatively
retelling the past as a work of fiction about the future, he exposes
the totalitarian impulse.
Note:
1. My own thoughts on this were augmented by points made in the FAQ,
part 9.
Favorite Brazil Sites
1. FAQ.
2. Script.
3. Buy the new DVD release featuring a documentary about the film and
Gilliam’s commentary.
Eric Manch
October 2, 1998
Brazil and the Obscene Technocracy: "We're all in this together!"
Brazil is a nightmarish film. Granted, it is also quite humorous,
and also granted, it is not nightmarish in the slasher vein, but the
ways in which this film reflects on our reality are especially immediate
to us. Of those who have commented on the film, many have pointed
to the dual masterworks of dystopian fiction produced earlier this
century, 1984 and Brave New World. Many have even labeled the film
"Kafkaesque", citing the mountains of filing cabinets and
byzantine power structure of the Ministry of Information as reminiscent
of the nightmares of the troubled Czech.
Such comparisons, though valid, do not cut to the root of the terror
of Brazil, nor do they aid us in explaining it. For Brazil is also
the story of a hero of sorts, of Sam Lowry's brave yet futile rebellion
against society through dreams. In order to better understand this
rebellion, however, it is necessary to diagnose the nature of this
malevolent force Sam must confront, so that its significance may be
understood. It is my view, then, that the film is better understood
as Sam Lowry's personal struggle against banality, rather than as
a stern warning against totalitarian society. Such will be the objective
of this essay: to examine the major themes of the film while making
an effort to contextualize them with the aid of various criticism.{1}
The society of Brazil (I hesitate to identify it as a "futuristic"
society, since the opening credits merely tell us the story is located
"somewhere in the 20th century") is completely entangled
in a web of information. The first image we see is that of a television
in a shop window. The television is playing an advertisement with
a cheery jingle for Central Services, the ubiquitous public works
company of the film (and one of Lowry's major adversaries). Immediately
after the opening jingle and duct advertisement the shop window explodes,
over which the title of the film is superimposed in bright, stylized
neon. Despite the explosion, the television continues to function,
ironically broadcasting an interview with a government official regrading
recent terrorist bombings. This kind of irony is essential to understanding
the society macrocosm of Brazil. As later events reveal, the
government has complicity in these terrorist bombings, perhaps even
planning them itself as a means of controlling the public. The bombings
do not stop the government from functioning, but have instead become
an accepted part of the "process" of government. When
a bomb goes off in the middle of the restaurant, the string quartet
resumes after a second or two and a squad of waiters arrive at Sam's
table to place shades in front of the chaotic aftermath, so the unsightly
victims do not disturb their meal.
What is even more interesting is the way the bombings are
integrated, with the aid of the Ministry of Information, into a kind
of self-fulfilling economic cycle thanks to a process called "Information
Retrieval Charging." Terrorist suspects (or "clients,"
as they are euphemistically called by the Ministry) are brought into
Information Retrieval (the Ministry's torture division) and are then
charged against their bank accounts for the procedures used in their
interrogation. Viewed as little more than commerical drones
by their government, citizens begin to view each other the same way.
We know that the events of the film take place during Christmas, but
due to the vague suppositions of time and place that are made, we
might as well assume that it is always Christmastime in the world
of Brazil. People, upon greeting each other, exchange meaningless
gifts with one another, merely for the sake of performing the act
of gift-giving. Similarly, the guests at the restaurant are content
eating multi-colored, ersatz pigslop because the color pictures accompanying
their meal assure them that they are eating quality food.
This is a society saturated entirely by information, to the point
where information takes on a kind of sentience absolving everyone
of all personal responsibility. The words to the jingle ("Central
Services, we do the work, you do the pleasure") suggest the caretaker
posture of the government. We see further evidence of this in the
Ministry of Information propaganda posters, with slogans such as "Help
the M.O.I. Help You" and the paradoxical "Suspicion Breeds
Confidence." The film's crucial plot point, the wrongful arrest
and interrogation of Buttle the shoe-repair operative, exemplifies
this notion. When Sam accuses Jack Lint of unjustly interrogating
and killing Buttle, he explains that since the name Buttle was given
to him as Tuttle, he unquestionably was justified in interrogating
Buttle. The information must be infallible, he rations, so the error
in collecting the information must lie with someone else. He merely
expected, as would any other person in his position, that his information
was absolutely correct because this society has bred him to believe
that information (and those who manipulate it) are infallible. And
so the chain of accusations continues until no responsible party can
be found.
Viewed on the individual level, then, the society of Brazil is incomprehensible.
Despite his repeated attempts to navigate the bureaucracy, to manipulate
it to his own ends, Sam ultimately fails, and is forced into the ultimate
retreat of schizophrenia. Sam's attempts to fight the system take
two different forms. First, he attempts to advance his own goals (finding
the identity of Jill Leyton and then trying to save her life) with
his own cunning, mostly unsuccessfully. In the end, Sam cannot hope
to win on their court; the infinite twists and turns of the Ministry's
power structure are an impregnable barrier to any individual. So he
takes the battle to his own mind in an oversimplified, allegorical
contest between himself as a winged superhero and the technocracy
as a gigantic metallic samurai. Here, and only here, is the conflict
a tangible one. Events in the real world spur his fantasies; Archibald
"Harry" Tuttle, the renegade heating repairman who subverts
the Central Services bureaucracy, inspires him to act on his revolutionary
instincts. He is the one of the few true "friends" that
Sam develops in the film, one with whom he shares complicity in his
fantastic rebellion against the technocracy.
Though Sam's dream sequences, we gain insight into his essentially
childlike character, one that tends toward regression and romantic
simplification. One need not mention Sam's embittered relationship
with his manipulative mother, and how it limits his freedom to do
as he likes. Here we have uncovered one of the major motifs of the
film, the one that connects the discontinuous dream sequences with
the action surrounding the film: the struggle to make sense of one's
absurd environment. Another irony: the fantastic worlds conjured by
Sam in his struggle against the technocracy are more ordered and less
absurd than his reality. The conflict in these allegorical scenes
is always clear. In contrast, the technology-dominated world depicted
in the "real" world of Brazil is one of perpetual abstraction.
The infinite tangle of interrelated mechanisms, both bureaucratic
and mechanical, insures that no one has the slightest idea how anything
works. Also, despite the predominance of invisible information in
this society, the technology employed seems to be of a decidedly backward
nature. Images that harken back to the Industrial Revolution figure
prominently in the films visuals, from the complicated heating ducts
to the huge, pollution-belching factories to the mail tubes that criss-cross
the floors of Information Retrieval. The computers that are depicted
appear little more than glorified typewriters with large glass screens
attached. These machines, and others, are loud and capricious; Sam's
phone emits a particularly gruesome ring. In interviews, Gilliam has
noted his fondness for the Industrial Revolution because its components
are easier to understand.{2} Here again, we notice a kind of irony
in these great machines. Though they are ostensibly top-of-the-line
technology (or so we are led to believe) we are simultaneously aware
of their bizarre appearance; surely, we think to ourselves, such strange
devices could have no practical purpose, let alone function. And in
most cases, they don't. Hence the privileged irony we perceive when
viewing Brazil. Gilliam's visual choice has permitted us insight into
this peculiar universe, telling us that despite all the technological
pretenses of the technocracy, it still can't invent a better way to
make toast.
In a sense, Brazil might even be called a "coming of age"
movie of sorts, in the respect that Sam spends the greater part of
the film learning to interact with his environment. Except in this
case, the protagonist does not grow up or mature, but ends up a vegetable
in an interrogation chamber. So the film ends with Sam in his chair,
oblivious to physical reality, having retreated to the safety of his
own mind. We see the walls of the dome-shaped interrogation chamber
fade away as they are replaced by a bright blue cloud-filled sky,
mirroring the cloud-filled opening of the film. A reprise follows
of Brazil, the film's theme song, this time set to a happy samba beat.
Has Sam achieved final victory? In the context of the film and the
struggles of his characters, he has. For not only is the major conflict
of Brazil one of understanding, but of an attempt to escape the limits
of the corporeal. Kathleen Woodward makes note of this in her essay
"From Virtual Cyborgs to Biological Time Bombs: Technocriticism
and the Material Body" and expands upon it to include Mrs. Lowry:
"In Brazil both the son and the mother want to escape the limits
of the body. Both hope that technology will enable them to do so."{3}
Sam's attempt to escape from his captors is an imaginary one. Just
as Jack Lint prepares to lobotomize Sam, Harry Tuttle shoots Lint
in the head and drops into the room (with shades of the Odessa sequence
in Eisenstein's Potemkin) with his fellow renegade heating repairmen.
What follows is a fantastically daring rescue attempt, one that seems
too good to be true--and it is, as we discover when the bodies of
Lint and Mr. Helpmann appear in front of the idyllic countryside to
which Sam has escaped, destroying the fantasy and returning us to
the real. Sam, however, remains undaunted--his escape from his body
complete through dreams. By contrast, Sam's mother Ida seeks escape
from her body through technology--or more precisely, plastic surgery.
Though her looks improve greatly, her friend Mrs. Terrain is not so
lucky: her complications multiply until her body is nothing more than
a revolting, gelatinous mass of pink flesh and bone. In this society,
the relief afforded by technology is at best only temporary (another
plastic surgeon warns that in six months, Ida will "look like
Grandma Moses") and at worst, lethal.
Tangential to this mode of escapism is the idea of love. Both Sam
and Ida Lowry are fundamentally dissatisfied with where they are,
and both pursue love in some form or another to relieve themselves--Ida,
who is getting on in years, seeks attention, and Sam merely seeks
the fulfillment of his fantasies. When Sam finally discovers the woman
(literally) of his dreams, Jill Leyton, an interesting convergence
occurs. Jill represents the point at which the fantasy life and real
life of Sam Lowry intersect. Even when she does appear, it seems that
she is in another realm; when Sam seeks her for the first time at
the metal detector, Jack says to Sam, "You look like you've seen
a ghost." From the moment Jill enters Sam's life, his attitude
changes. Suddenly he becomes intent on making his dreams come to life.
Of course, dreams are meant to remain dreams, and Sam soon finds the
technocracy turning against him, in the same way it turned against
Mrs. Terrain. In Brazil, there is no true escape, and no wishes are
ever fulfilled--at least, not without consequences. The purest way
to go is through your own mind--but even that has its drawbacks, depending
upon your point of view.
Another facet of the film not to be ignored, one that contributes
to both aspects previously mentioned, is its rampant consumerism.
Consumption is the rule in Brazil society, even integral and perhaps
even indistinguishable from the state itself. Even such mundane items
as ducts are glorified in Central Services advertisements. Televisions
are omnipresent; whenever the supervisor at the Bureau of Records
turns away, the workers stop their work and tune in. It is no accident
that the story takes place at "Christmastime", the most
commercial time of year. Gift-giving thus becomes a dry performative
act, a mere social convention devoid of real meaning. Even religion
melds neatly with consumerism, as exemplified by the "Consumers
for Christ" who march by in one scene. In this media-saturated
world of neon Santa Clauses and children with credit cards, where
is the sincerity? Where is the real? Gilliam plays a number of visual
tricks to play with this notion. As Jill and Sam drive away in the
truck, the camera zooms out from a highway walled in with billboards
to reveal a barren, pockmarked, lifeless landscape. The means of communication
have taken over, there is nothing to see but the message. In another
humorous sequence, we see an idyllic red house with a white fence.
A man in a radiation suit opens the front door and waves to the camera.
Then a crane lifts up the house, revealing a hideous dark factory.
In yet another sequence, while Sam is driving to the widowed Mrs.
Buttle's house to deliver the reimbursement check, the camera tracks
forward into a futuristic looking city lined with what appear to be
green cooling towers. Then a huge bum appears over the horizon, shouting
and cursing. Then the camera cuts to the city in miniature with the
bum standing beside it, telling us that the bum was normal-sized all
along. In this way Gilliam plays with the visual impressions that
dominate the world of Brazil, exposing them for the superficialities
that they are.
Such a vision might be considered the extreme condition
of the modern society which Jean Baudrillard called "obscene".
In his essay "Rituals of Transparency," Baudrillard writes:
"Obscenity lies in the fact that there is nothing to see. It is
not a sexual obscenity, but the obscenity of the real. ... Perhaps our
true sexual act consists in this: in verifying to the point of giddiness
the useless objectivity of things."{4} In a sexual sense, we declare
"obscene" that which is essentially revealing. In a society
in which all is revealed, when information is omnipresent, the end result
is that there is nothing really to see. That is to say, when all things
are present, it is useless to look, because there is no possibility
of seeing something new. Thus, we arrive at ultimate banality. The ruling
technocracy of Brazil objectifies its citizens, turning them into exchangeable
drones, mere cogs in the self-perpetuating capitalist wheel. When an
individually minded citizen such as Sam Lowry comes into contact with
this barren society, he is left to invent his own sensations. The propagandist
mantra "we're all in this together" becomes a heavy, inescapable
yoke around Sam's shoulders, holding him under the reins of the bureaucracy.
In Brazil, Gilliam weaves together a titanic world of endless plumbing
and file cabinets filled with redundant paperwork that for all the
complexity of its exterior is utterly hollow on the inside. Instead,
the lifeblood of the film comes from the dreams of one man. Which
is ultimately more absurd, the dreams themselves or the society that
provokes them? In truth, both are absurd to some degree, but the dreams
are a reaction against the even greater absurdity of a system that
is incomprehensible. In such a situation, the only sane option is
to retreat into catatonia.
FOOTNOTES
{1}There are three cuts of the film in existence: the "original"
142-minute cut released in European theaters, a shorter cut prepared
for U.S. release, and a third cut ordered without the approval of
Gilliam by then-Universal executive Sid Sheinberg. This essay will
refer to the 132-minute U.S. version. References to the other cuts
will be made where appropriate, and will be noted as such.
{2} In an interview for the film 12 Monkeys Gilliam explained: "I
love things from the industrial revolution because I can understand
gears and pulleys, cars and wheels. I don't get the electronic revolution
because I can't get my hands on it. I'm impotent." (Interview
by Nick James, Sight and Sound, April 1996)
{3} Woodward, Kathleen. "From Virtual Cyborgs to Biological
Time Bombs: Technocriticism and the Material Body." Culture on
the Brink, Bender, Gretchen, and Timothy Druckrey ed. Seattle: Bay
Press,1994, p. 59.
{4} Baudrillard, Jean (Schutze, Bernard and Caroline trans.) The
Ecstasy of Communication. New York: Semiotexte, 1988, pp. 31-32.
Return I Will to Old Brazil
Glenn W. Erickson and Sandra S. Fernandes Erickson
Tomorrow was another day,
The Morning found me miles away
With still a million things to say.
As twilight beams the sky above,
Recalling thrills of our love
There's one thing I'm certain of:
Return I will
To old Brazil.
Title song to Brazil
Brazil was and remains a confusing, if not a confused, film. It is
set "somewhere in the twentieth century," filmed in the studio
in England and on location in England and France, has the name of a
South American nation as a title, features interiors and cityscapes
from the first half or even third or quarter of the twentieth century,
contains old fashioned and slightly futuristic elements, portrays the
state (bureaucratic) terrorism of the sort Hannah Arendt described as
"the banalization of evil," and combines the concepts and
moods of feature films such as 1984, Blade Runner, and Total Recall.
What is more, despite the dreadful events of the plot, Brazil is chock
full of humor of all variety from the broadest slapstick to the subtlest
parody. This aspect of the film constantly reminds us that it was produced,
directed, and co-authored by Terry Gilliam, one of the Monty Python
players. The other co-authors are Charles McKeown, who appears in the
film as the character Lime, and Tom Stoppard, author of Rosenkrantz
and Guildenstern Are Dead, the play and the motion picture.
Stoppard's presence on the playbill suggests, correctly, allusions
to Hamlet, Prince of Denmark. The Hamlet figure is the film's protagonist,
Samuel Lowry. His mother, Madam Ida Lowry, is concerned over his "lack
of promotion," and uses her influence to arrange his advancement.
His deceased father, Jeremiah, was the former superior and close friend
of Deputy Minister Eugene Helpmann, in charge of Information Retrieval.
With regard to the ghost of Hamlet's father, Helpmann reveals to Sam
that Jeremiah still appears in the Ministry of Information as "the
ghost in the machine." Helpmann's elevator code, "ERE I AM,
J.H.," is an anagram for Jeremiah. That the initial letter H' in
this phrase is dropped from the word "Here" reminds us that
Hamlet's father was killed in his sleep by having lead poured in his
ear. The connection is reinforced by Sam Lowry's Freudian slip in the
same scene, "falsies" for "false ears." When Sam
uses the elevator code to visit Helpmann's executive suites, he discovers
a portrait of his mother adorning Helpmann's desk, the suggestion being
that Helpmann is playing Claudius to Madam Lowry's Gertrude.
There are other plot elements that might be interpreted as contributing
to the Hamlet theme. The Ophelia figure is Shirley Terrain, whose relationship
is encouraged by Sam's mother and her own mother, Alma Terrain, but
in whom Sam shows no interest. That Alma is a kind of Polonius is suggested
by a torture-induced hallucination in which Sam reduces her corpse to
a pile of putrid flesh and bones. Also, in a fight scene Sam effects
the murder of two guards, who are presumably Rosenkrantz and Guildenstern
figures; and since many of the plot elements come in twos, Sam also
participates when the Horatio figure, "Harry" Tuttle wastes
(with liquid excrement) two heating engineers from Central Services,
including Spoor.
Apart form cinematographic and dramatic allusion, what we would like
to emphasize is that the reason for the title
of the film is not merely that the old Brazilian samba song, "Aquarela
do Brazil," literally "Brazilian Watercolor" (but translated
in the film as simply "Brazil") is the title tune of the film.
Rather, it is because Brazil is, from the military coup of 1964 through
the time of the making of the film, the most consistent example of state
terrorism in the world.
In the film, the vehicle of state terrorism is the Ministry of Information,
just as in Brazil. In Brazil the movie, torture was associated with
the sub-ministry called Information Retrieval: a part of the Ministry
containing the Departments of Records, Information Adjustments, Information
Transit, and so on. In Brazil the country, the agency of the Ministry
most closely associated with detention of suspected terrorists was the
SNI, the National Information Service, and the bureau where detainees
were tortured was the DOI-CODI, the Center of Detention and Information
of the Department of Operations and Information. The Ministry of Information
commands seven per cent of the gross national product, and to cut costs
to the taxpayer, people who are arrested and tortured are charged for
this service by the government. One of the main dilemmas of the film
is what to do with the refund check for the electricity charged to the
man who suffered a heart attack under torture while being mistakenly
detained.
Despite thirteen years of combatting urban guerrillas, the pattern
of terrorist bombing continues unabated. The implication of
this pattern of facts is that the Ministry of Information has merely
invented the urban guerrillas to justify its own expenditures. This
interpretation is suggested by Sam's dream girl, Jill Layton, when she
asks if Sam, who works for the ministry, has actually met a terrorist.
Yet if the terrorist bombings are the work of agents provocateurs
from the Ministry of Information itself, there is a parallel with Brazil.
In 1981 the car of two SNI agents was blown up as they prepared to plant
a bomb at a rock concert at the Rio Center, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
One of the agents died (like Sam's father), the other was crippled in
his legs (like Mr. Helpmann). With respect to the torture of Sam Lowry
himself, in Brazil there is a famous case of the son of a prominent
general who was "interrogated" by the information services.
As in Argentina, Brazilian state terrorism was characterized by the
arbitrary "disappearances" of members of the middle class,
in contrast to the traditional and normalized killing of peasants. In
the movie, Archibald Buttle, shoe repair operative, is arrested in place
of Archibald "Harry" Tuttle, heating engineer. There is, by
the way, an inconsistency in the film in that in the arrest form appearing
momentarily near the beginning of the film it is Tuttle who is listed
as a "shoe repair operative." (Note also that Madam Lowry
is always wearing a hat in the form of a high-heeled shoe.) The reason
Buttle replaces Tuttle in the torture chamber is that a dead beetle
falls into the machine typing out the arrest order, and Brazil is characterized
by the presence of insects.
Note two more parallels with Brazilian state terrorism. The first
is the use of high tech gadgetry as a means of control. For example,
just as Sam's old friend, Jack Lint, used electrical and surgical devices
in his torture chamber, so too the torture documented in the Church's
documentation of state torture in Brazil Nunca Mais (translated as Torture
in Brazil), was characteristically high tech.
Again, just as television is a device of tyranny in the film there
is hardly an interior scene in the movie without a video screen, so
too the president of Brazil at the time of the film used to address
the citizens of Brazil on television not as "my fellow citizens"
but as "television spectators."
Second is the apparent accommodation of the people to violence, as
the customers of the restaurant hardly blink an eye as fellow dinners
are blown away by a terrorist bomb. The reason for this feigned indifference
is that even an expression of preoccupation with terrorist bombing could
be interpreted as a sign of discontent with the government, making one
a candidate, as in the case of Jill Layton, for remedial action by the
government.
There are various other details that suggest Brazil as a model for
the kind of political and cultural regime portrayed in the film. First,
there is the bureaucratic excess in which nothing can be done without
filling out a form in duplicate, in which no document is valid without
being stamped repeatedly by functionaries, and in which people sign
each others' names on documents as a matter of course, as Sam Lowry
signs Mrs. Buttle's refund check for Mr. Kurtzmann, while Mr. Kurtzmann
(note Heart of Darkness allusion) signs Lowry's refusal of his promotion
to Information Retrieval for him.
Second, the high technology that does not function correctly such
as the elevators with minds of their own, or Jack Lowry's automated
apartment because of consistent failure of organizational technology,
which failures are responsible for the constant snafus upon which the
film's plot moves. In the film, Harry Tuttle's free-lance repairs were
considered by Central Services as sabotage, just as in Brazil it is
illegal for a private citizen, but not the state petroleum monopoly,
to change a car from gasoline to gasohol, or to change the electrical
currency on a VCR.
Third, the cult of youth and the "body beautiful," as shown
in the appearance of the plastic surgeons, Drs. Jaffe (the "knife
man") and Chapman (the "acid man") parallels the vanity
of Brazil's middle class that has made Brazil the world's leading center
of cosmetic surgery. Again, coupons for caesarean sections parallel
the high incidence of this procedure in Brazil.
Finally, in the winged statuary in the Ministry of Information as
in Sam Lowry's fantasy of himself as a hang-gliding knight (note the
famous hang-gliders of Rio de Janeiro), the film uses flight as a symbol
of freedom. The Brazilian capital too has its residential districts
distributed along the "wings" in the design of the planned
city.
The movie ends in the interior monologue of a crazed Sam Lowry, who
sings in his imagination the epigraph of this review above. Not set
in Elsinore but in a place like Brazilia, with its cityscape divided
into huge high-rise residential blocks, the "old Brazil" to
which the singer resolves to return is the one that existed before the
military coup and its aftermath cast over everything the pall of techno-
terrorism.
Brazil: 1985, Embassy International, 130 min. Written Charles McKeown,
Tom Stoppard, and Terry Gilliam, directed by Terry Gilliam. Jonathan
Pryce as Sam Lowry, Katherine Helmond as Ida Lowry, Peter Vaughan as
Deputy Minister Eugene Helpmann, Ian Holm as Mr. Kurtzmann, Bob Hoskins
as Spoor, Robert De Niro as "Harry" Tuttle, Kim Greist as
Jill Layton, Michael Palin as Jack Lint.